In closely-fought seats with a substantial Chinese population, how should the Melayu or Indian candidate approach this constituency?
This post – applicable to Perkasa, KITA and Hindraf politicians – will attempt to answer the question. Before that, however, some truths against popular myths:
- One. Chinese, like Malays, vote predominantly on racial lines. Wrong. The Indian mandores of the DAP evangelists are more successful in majority Chinese areas than in comparable-size Indian. This can’t be for the reason the DAP is Chinese chauvinist but because Barisan, Gerakan in particular, repeatedly fail to field candidates of virtue. Look at it another way: The chances of a PKR Malay man in, say, Kinrara, is better there than in a 51 pct PAS Malay area. Both tests explain why DAP hacks confidently go around town talking about beyond-race politics without the fear they’d lose the Chinese votes but can only benefit from the Malay. Moral of story: it is so much tougher to get the Chinese vote if you are Chinese than to get the Malay vote if you are Malay.
- Two. Chinese look up to money, and down at anything without it – a standard RPK/Pakatan line. Wrong again. If this were true, the wealthier the Chinese man, the more likely he ought to participate in politics and win. The opposite happens instead. Even against a pig – and this is no exaggeration – the Anglicized Chinese Francis Yeoh will lose Bukit Bintang, home of YTL group. In Confucian societies (including Korea today and imperial China), the commercial class ranks at the bottom of the social hierarchy, deservingly, below the peasantry. At the top is the literary class, comprising the scholar, a man who is taught virtue, also skilled in history, philosophy and the conduct of human affairs, hence required to be involved in public administration.
- Three. Chinese are apathetic towards public affairs and so disdain politics. False. Public affairs, hence politics, is largely regarded as an elitist task, and so comes naturally to scholars who would have passed four national stages in a series of rigorous, mind-boggling examinations against tens of millions of other candidates yearly. Only several thousands are selected, and on per capita measure Chinese administration is very lean. (The top rank is known as 进士 jinshi who, in the old days, has to pass examinations in archery and weapons, usually swords.) In the circumstances, commoners therefore think of internal public administration, but not external defence, as out of their reach: the mountains are high and the emperor is far away.
Modern day influences, including the birth of the Chinese Republic, have shifted those early perceptions not eradicating them. Chinese culture and wide spread education, the latter emphasizing ethical philosophy, history, governance and literature, still leave the general Chinese populace politically astute. They just don’t talk about it publicly, unlike Anglo DAP babble-mouths and their bangsa blogheads. (In that respect, compare and contrast Fong Po Kuan to Hannah Yeoh. Never contest against Fong, you’ll lose. Teresa Kok is not invincible.)
The list below is only a partial guide with a general rule-of-thumb conduct into canvassing for Chinese votes. It applies regardless of your competitor’s political affiliation, whether Chinese or Indian or Malay. You are looking at the electorate to win, not the opponent (that’s another story altogether).
Always go prepared, that is, understanding – as opposed to cursory knowing – the qualitative nature of the constituency visiting. For example, is the constituency one of those semi-urban tamans, a village cluster of homes or a farm. What is their livelihood? What economic function sustains its people?
- 1. Be clear as to who you represent and what you are. All the pretenses of an Anwar Ibrahim frying noodles from a wok impresses nobody. A PAS or PKR Malay man with an entourage of Chinese DAP hacks behind him is also unnecessarily faked. And don’t bring along your Freddie Kevin poodle dogs; they’ll simply end up defecating all over the streets or, worse, in somebody’s house. You are a Melayu from the historical depths of a prior Melayu kingdom seeking collaboration, support, and a little assistance in terms of votes from the Chinese. Acknowledge this.
- 2. Be clear as to your intent and wishes. You wish to enter public service, in this case through electoral politics, because the Hindu Indians and the Chinese and Melayu farmers need help. (And don’t be fearful to say the word Umno, which is the reason you want to be able to march into the emperor’s office of Najib Razak so you can tell his people straight in their faces.) Government rural neglect have hurt these people: families displaced, broken up, the sons end up as thugs, breaking into Chinese homes, then entering prison – in the city. There is never enough to go around; the food they eat never fills the stomach. Schools are bad, and the students don’t come out better humans while Anwar’s PAS mullahs wait in prisons to saw off their legs, deforming them forever. The Chinese have empathy for these problems: they have a 5,000 year-long precedent history that enables them to separate virtue and intent.
- 3. Be sincere in the respect of your Chinese host. Chinese culture has the mechanisms that allow a Chinese to spot a running dog, a thug, an Anwar Melayu pimp or a phoney a mile away. Trust and credibility are not established overnight, but time is not on your side. For this reason start with introductory fliers, and use hanzi, instead of making speeches. State your credentials. If you’ve a Datuk title, forget it.
When coming to a village temple or ancestral hall (and know the difference between the two), enter without hesitancy and without looking around you. Preferably the constituency candidate should bring with him joss sticks. If not, ask the caretaker, if he’s not asleep. Take only three. Light up from one of the lamps. Face the main altar, others stand behind you. Know how to hold joss sticks. Bow thrice, from the sternum down; others simultaneously. Then insert the joss stick into the main urn, and leave promptly. Belief is not the issue; this is neither worship nor religion nor obeisance. And the Chinese don’t care if you subscribe to it or not. This a ritual of respect, of honouring your host, not some imagined voodoo prayer you once thought. (Warning: PKR and PAS racists will go to town with photos, you bowing and declaring you a kafir. Before your opponents start, you might want, therefore, to inform your kampung constituents beforehand – tell them why, what is the ritual to the Chinese, and you’re a Mohammedian before and after it.)
- 4. At all times show protocol, order, harmony, and discipline. Your blue or orange uniforms are excellent exhibits into your internal discipline. For the candidate, add one more item to distinguish him from the rest: try a red sash, a flower pinned to the chest, or a red armband. Never use all black or all white when visiting. At a village, before anything else, ask to meet the village head who may be a DAP or MCA member – it doesn’t matter. If not available, the headmaster of the local Chinese school; he’s almost certainly the next most respected person. State your purpose clearly, using if necessary a translator borrowed from the MCA. You are an emissary from a Melayu kingdom seeking collaborative favours with a Chinese population and this is honourable; your mission therefore honourable also.
- 5. Display courtesies and public virtues without fawning. If an appointment is secured beforehand, bring along a meaningful gift without being expensive (examples below). Typically, a scroll written in hanzi poetry or a famous literary line is appropriate. This is a sign of an exchange, an opening courtesy in the conduct of relationships. You can promise little, except to fulfill your duty to your constituency, especially the weak and the vulnerable among them. Your primary governing principle among nations, hence in inter-ethnic relations, is non-interference. Where you enter the picture is the provision of public funded services, in education, clearing out the garbage, dealing with the elephantine bureaucracy, and speedy assistance in times of disasters and need, while the Chinese should be left alone to conduct their own affairs in peace, without aggression or interference from public institutions. You hope that the Chinese will share with you in the pursuit of these virtues. Try not to bad mouth the DAP or Pakatan governments like you do on your websites; they have had enough of them to last everyone a life time.
冯宝君 Feng Baojun
The Chinese Vote: Umno’s Bamboo Curtain in Feng Baojun
For no reason, no cause at all, not even electorally, the racist Mahathir Mohamad spent decades busy nailing down the Chinese as chauvinists and Jews while his officials drive Chinese out of work, force Chinese women like Feng Baojun to wear the Anwar Ibrahim tudung imported from Arabia, and party Malay underlings were busy pimping on Chinese women for Anwar, et al.
Consequently, Mahathir didn’t and couldn’t see the rise of Anglophile factions being nurtured in PPSMI schools, in the dens of Christian churches and in English, foreign private colleges such as Monash Sunway, many of which he himself promoted in place of Chinese education.
Fong Po Kuan (above) or 冯宝君 is one of the few remaining, although junior level, Chinese scholar-official types (but better illustrated in the person of Su Dongpo 苏東坡, below, d.1101, a Song era official). She personifies that which is the DAP before it was overrun by Christians. From the efforts of people like Fong, the DAP Anglo evangelists – think of them as English fleas – harvested the rewards then claimed credit for March 2008.
To reverse the electoral tide then, Barisan must look to and see why Fong, et al – and not the Anglos – were successful. Recall, Fong and the DAP almost broke up, reflecting not just betrayal and shifting ideological divisions within the party but at a fundamental level existential ones.
Always inept, Umno hotshots continuously fail to distinguish between friends and foes (see this article for example) and so construct policies that will make the ordinary Chinese life miserable, if they can help it. Yet the Malay mongrels of Umno (that Sakmongkol for instance) blame the MCA for failing to deliver 2008 and which it has to now clean up after their failures. If the Chinese go down, the Melayus go down; and the Anwar DAP Anglos, his Arabs and PAS Mullahs go up. Umno must decide once and for all: what will it be?
That decision is easier than is imagined.
March 2008 was not a sudden, overnight occurrence. Historically and since pre-independent Malaya, the Chinese have asked little from governments and have taken nothing – yes, absolutely nothing – from the Melayus without paying for it. Yet under white British rule, during the Emergency era (internments of entire populations, the Batang Kali massacre), Japanese occupation, May 13th, and then under Mahathir, great injustices were committed against the Chinese in the name of imagined threats or Malay-Mamak solidarity. The careers of numerous Malay politicians, past and present, have arisen from the bodies of dead Chinese.
Umno cannot go on pretending all that was an accident of tragedy, a mistake, too bad, it happens to pendatangs, and still hope to regain Chinese support. If, on the other hand, Umno does regain the trust of the Chinese then the Anglo DAP menace will simply evaporate. (The English-breeding PPSMI policy is fundamentally anti-Merdeka, anti-national and anti-native.)
The Chinese on Umno’s side, Anwar’s PKR Anglos and PAS Arab mullahs must first get pass the Bamboo Curtain, the Chinese, in order to get to the Malay soul and life which is basically Perkasa’s desire – the preservation and support of an independent, nationally acceptable native, pre-Arab Malay being.
But, Umno’s politics suffer from, and are bounded to, the Mahathir delusion and his stupidity that if the party gets one, it must lose the other. New Deal strategy says you cannot lead permanently or convincingly win elections on anyone of the two alone, Chinese and Melayu, without going with both at the same time. Umno confines its Chinese partners to subsidiary roles and this is so suicidal.
Perkasa’s Guide to the Chinese vote (continued)
Below are some ideas for an inexpensive gift to a Chinese community, never to individuals. Rural Chinese are a communal people, not self-centred egotists that city Anglophiles are:
- Book or memento set (some available in Popular bookstore)
- Scroll, Image, Framed, Decorative Art
- Example of an idiom for calligraphy, written and read top down. This gift, written on red rice paper, is the least expensive.
tian wujueren jilu (three words, six syllable)
In translation: Tian (or, heaven) never bars one’s way.